Democracy is often touted as the ideal form of government in the modern world. However, when it comes to Africa, particularly Nigeria, it may not be the best form of government. Historical antecedents and present-day realities show that democracy has not worked as well as it should in Nigeria, and perhaps it is time to explore other forms of government that are better suited to the country’s unique circumstances.
In 2009, during his first visit to Africa as U.S president, Barack Obama opted to visit Ghana instead of Nigeria as demonstration of his displeasure with the political situation in the country at the time. While in Ghana, Obama delivered an address at the Ghanaian parliament where, inter alia, said “Africa doesn’t need strong men; it needs strong institutions.” Since then, that quote has been touted by everyone, from political commentators to politicians, from everyday citizens to decision makers.
The statement from Obama suggests that Africa is incapable of building strong institutions and this is easily agreed to by almost everyone. I, however, do not agree with such inference, even though I agree that one of the strongest reasons we are unable to overcome our challenges of development and corruption is because we have weak institutions. The reason the developed countries are far ahead is because they have strong institutions that neutralise the power tendencies of strong men.
One of the reasons why democracy may not be the ideal form of government in Nigeria is the country’s colonial history. Nigeria was a British colony until 1960, and the British colonial government imposed a democratic system of government on the country. However, this system of government was not designed to reflect the country’s unique cultural, social, and political realities. The result has been a political system that is not only inefficient but also often corrupt. Before the advent of colonialism, Africa had strong institutions that outlived even the strongest of men. Such strong institutions could be found in the Oyo Empire, the Ashanti Empire, Hausa/Fulani Empire, Bini Kingdom, the Ghana Empire, etc. In fact, even today, in certain cultures and regions where the pre-colonial traditional institutions have been preserved, there are strong institutions that no strong man can overpower yet. While examples are replete across Africa, for contextual understanding, I will focus mainly on Nigerian examples because of the nature of my audience.
The Oyo Empire, which dates back to as far as 1300 CE, and was ruled over by Alaafin was very powerful and huge in size and operated on a centralised system with checks and balances that prevented excessive or arbitrary use of power by anyone at all, including the Alaafin. These checks and balances were sustained by a string of several independent institutions but with oversight functions on the others. While Alaafin was the head of the government, his powers were not absolute nor was his throne. The Ogboni society, which was headed by the Oluwo, checked both the powers of the Alaafin and the Oyo Mesi. As powerful as the Alaafin was, he could not influence the choice of who succeeded him, nor could he choose to continue sitting on the throne once an empty calabash, which signified his rejection by the people, was sent to him.
A demonstration of how rigid and resilient the institutions of the Oyo Empire was can be seen between 1789 to 1796 when Alaafin Aoole was ruler of the Empire. He had asked Afonja, the Aare Ona-Kankafo, to unjustly attack the towns of Iwere-Ile and Apomu in retribution to earlier grudges he held against Baales of the towns before ascending the throne (I had written on this in 2015 article titled “Yoruba leadership and the Aoole Curse”, published in Daily Independent and YNaija). Afonja not only refused to carry out one of the orders, it was resolved that the Alaafin be sent an empty calabash due to his excessive abuse of powers. Despite his high handedness and excessive abuse of powers, the Alaafin could not disregard the symbolic empty calabash. He committed a ritual suicide to complete the process but he didn’t go just go down without a fight; he tried but the institutions triumphed.
Another reason why democracy may not be the best form of government in Nigeria is the country’s diverse ethnic and religious groups. Nigeria is home to over 250 ethnic groups, and there is a constant struggle for political power and resources among these groups. The country’s political landscape is dominated by a few powerful elites who manipulate the democratic process to retain power and suppress the voices of the marginalised groups. We are very much still tied to the aprons of our ethnic leanings regardless of our education and exposure.
Furthermore, the democratic system in Nigeria is plagued by institutional weaknesses and inefficiencies. Elections are often characterised by irregularities and violence, and the country’s electoral body, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), has been accused of corruption and incompetence. The judiciary, which is supposed to serve as an independent arbiter, is often influenced by the ruling elites, leading to a breakdown in the rule of law.
In addition, democracy has not been able to address Nigeria’s socio-economic challenges adequately. Poverty, unemployment, and inequality are still prevalent in the country, despite several years of democratic governance. The government’s inability to address these issues has led to widespread disillusionment among the citizens, leading to calls for alternative forms of government.
In conclusion, while democracy may be the ideal form of government in many parts of the world, it may not be the best form of government in Nigeria. The country’s colonial history, diverse ethnic and religious groups, institutional weaknesses, and socio-economic challenges have all contributed to the failure of democracy in the country. Perhaps it is time to explore alternative forms of government that are better suited to the country’s unique circumstances.
•Victor Terhemba writes from Abuja, Nigeria. He can be reached via victorterhemba6@gmail.com and on twitter via @victor_terhemba
